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Leadership: Six Studies in World Strategy Hardcover – July 5, 2022
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Henry Kissinger, consummate diplomat and statesman, examines the strategies of six great twentieth-century figures and brings to life a unifying theory of leadership and diplomacy
“An extraordinary book, one that braids together two through lines in the long and distinguished career of former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger...In Leadership he presents a fascinating set of historical case studies and political biographies that blend the dance and the dancer, seamlessly.” - James Stavridis, The Wall Street Journal
“Leaders,” writes Henry Kissinger in this compelling book, “think and act at the intersection of two axes: the first, between the past and the future; the second, between the abiding values and aspirations of those they lead. They must balance what they know, which is necessarily drawn from the past, with what they intuit about the future, which is inherently conjectural and uncertain. It is this intuitive grasp of direction that enables leaders to set objectives and lay down a strategy.”
In Leadership, Kissinger analyses the lives of six extraordinary leaders through the distinctive strategies of statecraft, which he believes they embodied. After the Second World War, Konrad Adenauer brought defeated and morally bankrupt Germany back into the community of nations by what Kissinger calls “the strategy of humility.” Charles de Gaulle set France beside the victorious Allies and renewed its historic grandeur by “the strategy of will.” During the Cold War, Richard Nixon gave geostrategic advantage to the United States by “the strategy of equilibrium.” After twenty-five years of conflict, Anwar Sadat brought a vision of peace to the Middle East by a “strategy of transcendence.” Against the odds, Lee Kuan Yew created a powerhouse city-state, Singapore, by “the strategy of excellence.” And, though Britain was known as “the sick man of Europe” when Margaret Thatcher came to power, she renewed her country’s morale and international position by “the strategy of conviction.”
To each of these studies, Kissinger brings historical perception, public experience and—because he knew each of the subjects and participated in many of the events he describes—personal knowledge. Leadership is enriched by insights and judgements that only Kissinger could make and concludes with his reflections on world order and the indispensability of leadership today.
- Print length528 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherPenguin Press
- Publication dateJuly 5, 2022
- Dimensions6.5 x 1.6 x 9.52 inches
- ISBN-100593489446
- ISBN-13978-0593489444
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Editorial Reviews
Review
“Although Kissinger, now aged 99, has not held office since 1977, he has advised virtually every US president since Nixon. . . . Elder statesman is an overused term but Kissinger is the genuine article, and worth listening to.” —Financial Times
“A must read. . . . [Kissinger] continues to contribute to our understanding of the world. His books—including this one—will hopefully be read well into the future. Indeed, our present and future leaders would benefit from reading all of Kissinger’s books. They are timeless.” —New York Journal of Books
Kissinger’s combination of historical awareness, personal familiarity with the leaders, and diplomatic experience provides for a cogent read on the iconic statesmen of the Cold War era.” —The New Criterion
“Kissinger fulfills expectations with a reflective, contextual analysis of 20th century political leaders he knew. . . . Recommended for Kissinger’s distinctive perspectives imbedded in scholarly, readable prose.” —Library Journal (starred review)
“One of America’s most legendary diplomats finds the soul in statecraft in these enlightening sketches of world leaders. . . . Kissinger infuses his lucid policy analyses with colorful firsthand observations. . . . Kissinger’s portraits of politicians spinning weakness and defeat into renewed strength are captivating. This is a vital study of power in action.” —Publishers Weekly
About the Author
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Konrad Adenauer:
The Strategy of Humility
The Necessity of Renewal
In January 1943, at the Casablanca Conference, the Allies proclaimed that they would accept nothing less than the 'unconditional surrender' of the Axis powers. US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who was the driving force behind the announcement, sought to deprive any successor government to Hitler of the ability to claim that it had been deluded into surrender by unfulfilled promises. Germany's complete military defeat, together with its total loss of moral and international legitimacy, led inexorably to the progressive disintegration of the German civil structure.
I observed this process as part of the 84th Infantry Division of the US army as it moved from the German border near the industrial Ruhr territory to the Elbe River near Magdeburg - just 100 miles away from the then-raging Battle of Berlin. As the division was crossing the German border, I was transferred to a unit responsible for security and prevention of the guerrilla activity that Hitler had ordered.
For a person like me, whose family had fled the small Bavarian city of FŸrth six years earlier to escape racial persecution, no greater contrast with the Germany of my youth could have been imagined. Then, Hitler had just annexed Austria and was in the process of dismembering Czechoslovakia. The dominant attitude of the German people verged on the overbearing.
Now, white sheets hung from many windows to signify the surrender of the population. The Germans, who a few years earlier had celebrated the prospect of dominating Europe from the English Channel to the Volga River, were cowed and bewildered. Thousands of displaced persons - deported from Eastern Europe as forced labor during the war - crowded the streets in quest of food and shelter and the possibility of returning home.
It was a desperate period in German history. Food shortages were severe. Many starved, and infant mortality was twice that of the rest of Western Europe. The established exchange of goods and services collapsed; black markets took its place. Mail service ranged from impaired to nonexistent. Rail service was sporadic and transport by road made extremely difficult by the ravages of war and the shortage of gasoline.
In the spring of 1945, the task of occupying forces was to institute some kind of civil order until trained military government personnel could replace combat troops. This occurred around the time of the Potsdam conference in July and August (of Churchill/Attlee, Truman and Stalin). At that summit, the Allies divided Germany into four occupation zones: for the United States, a southern portion containing Bavaria; for Britain, the industrial northern Rhineland and Ruhr Valley; for France, the southern Rhineland and territory along the Alsatian border; and for the Soviets, a zone running from the Elbe River to the Oder-Neisse Line, which formed the new Polish frontier, reducing prewar German territory by nearly a quarter. The three Western zones were each placed under the jurisdiction of a senior official of the occupying powers with the title of high commissioner.
German civil governance, once demonstrably efficient and unchallengeable, had come to an end. Ultimate authority was now exercised by occupation forces down to the county (Kreis) level. These forces maintained order, but it took the better part of eighteen months for communications to be restored to predictable levels. During the winter of 1945-6, fuel shortages obliged even Konrad Adenauer, who was to become chancellor four years later, to sleep in a heavy overcoat.
Occupied Germany carried not only the burden of its immediate past but also of the complexity of its history. In the seventy-four years since unification, Germany had been governed successively as a monarchy, a republic and a totalitarian state. By the end of the war, the only memory of stable governance harked back to unified Germany's beginning, under the chancellorship of Otto von Bismarck (1871-90). From then until the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the German empire was hounded by what Bismarck would call the 'nightmare' of hostile external coalitions provoked into existence by Germany's military potential and intransigent rhetoric. Because unified Germany was stronger than any of the many states surrounding it and more populous than any save Russia, its growing and potentially dominant power turned into the permanent security challenge of Europe.
After the First World War, the newly established Weimar Republic was impoverished by inflation and economic crises and considered itself abused by the punitive provisions included in the postwar Treaty of Versailles. Under Hitler after 1933, Germany sought to impose its totalitarianism on all of Europe. In short, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, united Germany had been by turns either too strong or too weak for the peace of Europe. By 1945, it had been reduced to its least secure position in Europe and the world since unification.
The task of restoring dignity and legitimacy to this crushed society fell to Konrad Adenauer, who had served as lord mayor (OberbŸrgermeister) of Cologne for sixteen years before being dismissed by Hitler. Adenauer was by his background fortuitously cast for a role that required at once the humility to administer the consequences of unconditional surrender and the strength of character to regain an international standing for his country among the democracies. Born in 1876 - only five years after German unification under Bismarck - Adenauer was for the rest of his life associated with his native city of Cologne, with its towering Gothic cathedral overlooking the Rhine and its history as an important locus in the Hanseatic constellation of mercantile city-states.
As an adult, Adenauer had experienced the unified German state's three post-Bismarck configurations: its truculence under the Kaiser, domestic upheavals under the Weimar Republic, and adventurism under Hitler, culminating in self-destruction and disintegration. In striving to remake a place for his country in a legitimate postwar order, he faced a legacy of global resentment and, at home, the disorientation of a public battered by the long sequence of revolution, world war, genocide, defeat, partition, economic collapse and loss of moral integrity. He chose a course both humble and daring: to confess German iniquities; accept the penalties of defeat and impotence, including the partition of his country; allow the dismantling of its industrial base as war reparations; and seek through submission to build a new European structure within which Germany could become a trusted partner. Germany, he hoped, would become a normal country, though always, he knew, with an abnormal memory.
From Early Life to Internal Exile
Adenauer's father, Johann, once a non-commissioned officer in the Prussian army, was for three decades a clerical civil servant in Cologne. Lacking education beyond mandatory primary school, Johann was determined to provide his children with educational and career opportunities. Adenauer's mother shared this objective; the daughter of a bank clerk, she supplemented Johann's income through needlework. Together, they assiduously prepared young Konrad for school and strove to transmit their Catholic values to him. Cognizance of sin and social responsibility ran as an undercurrent throughout Adenauer's childhood. As a student at the University of Bonn, he achieved a reputation for commitment through his habit of plunging his feet into a bucket of ice water to overcome the fatigue of late-night studies. Adenauer's degree in law and family background of service induced him to join the Cologne civil service in 1904. He was given the title of Beigeordneter, or assistant mayor, with particular responsibility for taxation. In 1909, he was promoted to senior deputy mayor and in 1917 became lord mayor of Cologne.
Mayors of Cologne were typically former civil servants who strove to elevate their conduct above the violent and intensely partisan politics of the era. Adenauer's reputation grew to the extent that, in 1926, there were even discussions in Berlin as to whether he might be drafted as chancellor of a national unity government. The effort fell apart because of the difficulty of finding a nonpartisan alliance, Adenauer's condition for accepting the position.
Adenauer's first conspicuous national conduct occurred in connection with Hitler's designation as chancellor on January 30, 1933. To fortify his position, Hitler called a general election and proposed to the German parliament the so-called Enabling Act, suspending the rule of law and the independence of civil institutions. Adenauer, in the month after Hitler's designation as chancellor, undertook three public demonstrations of opposition. In the Prussian Upper House, to which he belonged ex officio as lord mayor of Cologne, he voted against the Enabling Act. He refused an invitation to welcome Hitler at Cologne airport during the election campaign. And in the week before the election he ordered the removal of Nazi flags from bridges and other public monuments. Adenauer was dismissed from office the week after Hitler's foreordained electoral victory.
After his dismissal, Adenauer appealed for sanctuary to an old school friend who had become the abbot of a Benedictine monastery. It was granted, and in April Adenauer took up residence in Maria Laach Abbey, 50 miles south of Cologne on the Laacher See. There, his main occupation was to immerse himself in two papal encyclicals - promulgated by Popes Leo XIII and Pius XI - which applied Catholic teaching to social and political developments, especially the evolving condition of the modern working class. In these encyclicals, Adenauer encountered doctrines that meshed with his political convictions: emphasizing Christian rather than political identity, condemning communism and socialism, ameliorating class struggle through humility and Christian charity, and ensuring free competition instead of cartel practices.
Adenauer's time at Maria Laach was not to last. While attending a Christmas Mass - which had drawn people from the surrounding area to see and support him - Nazi officials pressured the abbot to evict his admired guest. Adenauer left the following January.
The next decade of his life brought difficulty and instability. There were moments of grave danger, especially after the unsuccessful plot on Hitler's life in July 1944 organized by representatives of the Prussian upper class and including remnants of pre-Nazi political and military life. Hitler's vengeance sought to destroy all these elements. For a while, Adenauer escaped their fate by traveling peripatetically, never staying in one place for more than twenty-four hours. Danger never altered his rejection of Hitler for trampling on the rule of law, which Adenauer considered to be the sine qua non of the modern state. Although a known dissenter, Adenauer had been unwilling to join with anti-regime conspirators, whether civilian or military, largely because he was skeptical of their possibilities of success. On the whole, as one scholar describes it, 'he and his family did their best to live as quietly and inconspicuously as possible'.
Despite his departure from politics, the Nazis eventually imprisoned him. In fall 1944, he spent two months in a prison cell from the window of which he witnessed executions, including that of a sixteen-year-old boy; above him he heard the screams of other inmates as they were tortured.
In the end, his son Max, who was serving in the German army, managed to secure his release. As American tanks entered the Rhineland in February 1945, Adenauer began to think about whether he might find a role in his militarily defeated, morally devastated, economically reeling and politically collapsed country.
The Road to Leadership
Hitler's savage reaction to the July coup in the frenzied final year of the Second World War had decimated the ranks of those who might try to succeed him. Some senior Social Democratic Party politicians had survived the concentration camps - including Adenauer's later rival Kurt Schumacher - and possessed the political stature for the position of chancellor. But they lacked followings large enough to win the public support needed to implement the country's unconditional surrender and its accompanying penalties - preconditions for gaining the confidence of the Western Allies.
In May 1945, the American forces that first occupied Cologne reinstated Adenauer as mayor, but with the transfer of the city to British authority as a result of the Potsdam agreement, tensions arose, and the British dismissed him within a few months. Though he was temporarily excluded from political activity by the occupying power, Adenauer quietly concentrated on building a political base in preparation for the re-emergence of German self-government.
In December 1945, Adenauer attended a meeting to form a new party influenced by both Catholic and Protestant Christianity. Former members of the Catholic Center Party, with which Adenauer had been associated as mayor of Cologne, as well as of the conservative German National People's Party and the liberal German Democratic Party, were in attendance. Many had opposed Hitler, and some had been imprisoned for their resistance. The group lacked a clear political direction and doctrine; indeed, the tone of discussions at this initial meeting was more socialist than classically liberal. In part because of Adenauer's objections, the question of first principles was put aside, and the group simply settled on its name: the Christian Democratic Union.
The following month, Adenauer helped to imbue the CDU with its political philosophy as the party of democracy, social conservatism and European integration, rejecting Germany's recent past as well as totalitarianism in any form. At a January 1946 congress of the CDU's important members in the British occupation zone in Herford, Westphalia, Adenauer elaborated on these principles and consolidated his leadership of the nascent party.
Adenauer's first public speech after the end of the war on March 26, 1946, was a preview of his subsequent political leadership. Criticizing Germany's conduct under Hitler, Adenauer asked an audience of thousands in the severely damaged main hall of the University of Cologne how it was possible that the Nazis had come to power. They had then committed 'great crimes', he said, and the Germans could find their way toward a better future only by coming to terms with their past. Such an effort would be necessary for their country's revival. From this perspective, Germany's attitude after the Second World War needed to be the opposite of its reaction to the First. Instead of indulging in self-pitying nationalism once again, Germany should seek its future within a unifying Europe. Adenauer was proclaiming a strategy of humility.
Tall and seemingly imperturbable, Adenauer tended to speak tersely, though mitigated by the lilting tones of the Rhineland, more conciliatory than Prussian speech, in which, according to Mark Twain, sentences march across conversations like military formations. (The Rhineland had had an autonomous history until it was acquired by Prussia in 1814-15.) At the same time, he exuded vitality and self-assurance. His style was the antithesis of the blaring charismatic quality of the Hitler era and aspired to the serene authority of the pre-First World War generation, which had operated while governed by restraint and shared values.
All of these qualities, together with the standing he had acquired by a decade of ostentatious aloofness from Hitler, made Adenauer the most obvious candidate to lead the new democratic party. But he was not above practical maneuvers to achieve his end. The first CDU meeting was set up with one chair positioned at the head of the table. Adenauer strode up to it and announced, 'I was born on 5 January 1876, so I am probably the oldest person here. If nobody objects, I will regard myself as president by seniority.' That elicited both laughter and acquiescence; from that point on, he would steward the party for over fifteen years.
Product details
- Publisher : Penguin Press (July 5, 2022)
- Language : English
- Hardcover : 528 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0593489446
- ISBN-13 : 978-0593489444
- Item Weight : 1.8 pounds
- Dimensions : 6.5 x 1.6 x 9.52 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #11,704 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #28 in US Presidents
- #70 in Military Leader Biographies
- #183 in World History (Books)
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About the author

Henry Kissinger served in the US Army during the Second World War and subsequently held teaching posts in history and government at Harvard University for twenty years. He served as national security advisor and secretary of state under Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, and has advised many other American presidents on foreign policy. He received the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, and the Medal of Liberty, among other awards. He is the author of numerous books and articles on foreign policy and diplomacy, including most recently On China and World Order. He is currently chairman of Kissinger Associates, Inc., an international consulting firm.
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February 18, 2023
“For a nation to pretend to total autonomy is a form of nostalgia;
reality dictates that every nation – even the most powerful – adapt its
conduct to the capability and purposes of its neighbors and rivals.”
Henry Kissinger (1923-)
Leadership: Six Studies in World Strategy 2022
The leaders Kissinger discusses were forged in the crucible of the Second World War, the three oldest as players, the three youngest as observers. They were all classically educated, at a time when character was emphasized; they were intelligent, aspirant, and advanced to positions of authority based on merit. They had a positive effect on the world they inherited. Kissinger writes: “…[In] the unending contest between the willed and the inevitable, [they] understood that what seems inevitable becomes so by human agency.”
Another author might have selected different leaders; this list comprises those whom Kissinger knew, worked with, and respected. The central foreign policy challenges of this period – the end of World War II through the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 – the rebuilding of Europe and Japan and the building of a world order; the Cold War; and the struggle between liberty and tyranny. While each was unique, these six had in common directness and boldness, and they were unafraid of offending entrenched interests.
Through biographical sketches, Kissinger presents a history of those forty-five years, which saw the economic and political revival of former Axis powers, the end of European imperialism, the birth and struggle of new nations, and the collapse of the Soviet Union:
Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967): He served as Mayor of Cologne from 1917 until 1933. “As an adult,” Kissinger writes, “Adenauer had experienced the German state’s three post-Bismarck configurations…under the Kaiser…under the Weimar Republic…and under Hitler, culminating in self-destruction and disintegration.” He was elected the Federal Republic of Germany’s first post-War Chancellor. In ten years, his Country had become a full partner in Europe and the Atlantic Alliance.
Charles de Gaulle (1890-1970): “A sensitive reader and author of poetry as a child…The virtue of self-mastery, sketched in his journal, was to become a central feature of his character.” During the War, he kept alive the concept of sovereign France, saying she must be on the side of victory. “If she is,” Kissinger quotes from de Gaulle’s journal, “she will become what she was before, a great and independent nation. That, and that alone, is my goal.” De Gaulle restored the dignity of France.
Richard Nixon (1913-1994): Kissinger served as Nixon’s Secretary of State, so knew him well. He doesn’t shy from his faults. There was the decisive and thoughtful Nixon, the one he describes in this book. But there was also the insecure Nixon “uncertain of his authority and plagued by a nagging self-doubt.” We are told that Nixon’s foreign policy views were “more nuanced than his critics’ perception of them.” “The essence of Nixon’s diplomacy lay in his disciplined application of American power and national purpose…,” with the opening of China his principal accomplishment.
Anwar Sadat (1918-1981): “Of the individuals profiled in this volume,” Kissinger writes, “Sadat was the one whose philosophical and moral vision constituted the greatest breakthrough for his time and context.” “His policies,” he adds, “flowed organically from his personal reflections and his own interior transformations.” He believed “that Egypt’s freedom would be achieved through independence…His aim was to resurrect an ancient dialogue between Jews and Arabs…their histories were meant to intertwine.” This he did, as Egypt’s President from October 1970, until he was assassinated on October 6, 1981.
Lee Kuan Yew (1923-2015): The first Prime Minister of an independent Singapore, he served from 1959 until 1990. Singapore is an authoritarian state, but Lee’s rigorous enforcement of the city-state’s laws has made it one of the least corrupt nations in the world. In a world of relaxed Western morals, which Lee saw as “freedom run amok,” he was a pragmatist. He preferred a market economy to statism, because it produces higher growth rates. He sought talented foreigners and brought women into the workforce, because he could not achieve his goals without them. “I was never,” Kissinger quotes Lee, “a prisoner of any theory. What guided me were reasons of reality.”
Margaret Thatcher (1925-2013): She was brought up in rooms above her father’s store, “lacking hot water and an indoor bathroom.” A graduate of Oxford with a degree in chemistry, she was turned down for a research job at Imperial Chemical Industries (ICI): “This woman is headstrong, obstinate, and dangerously self-opinionated,” was ICI’s internal assessment. Ironically, those qualities led to her political success. Thatcher, Kissinger writes, “was an implacable advocate of self-determination…in the right of citizens to choose their own form of government…and in the responsibility of states to exercise sovereignty on their own behalf.” She restored England’s economy, her sense of dignity and self-respect, in a world where she was no longer hegemonic.
The world in which these six leaders lived had changed from an hereditary-aristocratic model prior to World War I to a middleclass-meritocratic one in the post-World War II period. During that time, the sun set on the British Empire, affecting both Egypt and Singapore. World War II saw the collapse of France in 1940, the near collapse of England the same year, and the devastation of Germany by 1945. The United States emerged as the wealthiest and most powerful nation on Earth. None of the six profiled grew up privileged. Two of them – Adenauer and Sadat – spent time in prison. De Gaulle and Lee had to deal with enemy occupiers of their countries. All were students of history.
Henry Kissinger has provided an intimate and masterful history of that time, with an emphasis on six individuals who played out-sized roles. In his conclusion about Thatcher he writes, in words appropriate to all six: “But only love of country and her people can explain how she wielded power and all that she achieved with it.”
The book is largely chronological and starts with Konrad Adenauer, the founder of the CDU, the foundational democratic party in the aftermath of WWII. Kissinger details his life and his moral principles that determined his character and world view. Adenauer was exiled from Germany in the Third Reich but returned to try to unify a broken people and was a leader who wanted the population to come to grips with its history as well as build a new foundation for a revived future under more traditional Christian values. Kissinger discusses how Adenauer guided the company and the political terrain in the aftermath of the war as well as attempted to guide Germany and Europe into greater unification despite the historical baggage. Kissinger moves on to his contemporary de Gaulle, a completely different character who also guided France during times of extreme challenges. Charles de Gaulle attempted to gain legitimacy as the leader of the France who had been politically disenfranchised and the true resistence to Nazi Germany. Kissinger discusses how his personal amplification of his relevance on the global arena was of constant annoyance to the true leaders of the War effort like Churchill and Roosevelt but despite his outsized self image he used it to better the lot of France and its relevance in the post war era. Furthermore his leadership in the war period led to his assumption of leadership in its aftermath. Kissinger discusses at length the challenges de Gaulle met and navigated successfully including the dissolution of the empire and in particular Algeria. Kissinger spends significant time discussing Nixon who of course hired Kissinger first as National Security advisor but later as Secretary of State. Kissinger is highly favorable of Nixon's geopolitical acumen and his ability to understand the complex landscape but to distill it to the relevant core principles to be decided upon. He also reflects about the character flaws of Nixon that ultimately led to his resignation and the challenges of unwinding the involvement in Vietnam. But Kissinger focuses on the major achievements including resurrecting relations with China. Kissinger spends time on Andwar Sadat and his highly principled and strategic vision of creating a more peaceful Middle East with stability with Israel, which at the time, and even now remained anathema to many around him. Following Nasser, his tenure was assumed to be short but Sadat was a true leader of vision and worked tirelessly to incrementally step back from the brink with Israel that ultimately led to more stability. Despite much frustration with his political peers Sadat stuck to the principles of prioritizing peace to achieve strides that would have otherwise been unachievable. Kissinger also spends a chapter on Lee Kuan Yew who took Singapore from an irrelevant island connected to Malaysia to a world class city that attracted the best of talents. Such a trend continues today with the relative decline of Hong Kong. The utilitarian principles of Lee are discussed and his ultimate pragmatism to generate results while remaining proper in action was shown to be the critical pillars of his character and strategy. The wisdom and lessons of his leadership remain of utmost importance even today where his warnings about the non-universality as well as relevance of China's strength were appreciated early and vocally. Kissinger ends with Margaret Thatcher who guided the UK through the inflationary aftermath of the oil shock and its unionized labor into the more productive UK that carried a new torch in the 90s and into the first decade of 2000s. He discusses navigating the Falklands as well as the HK handover and how her conviction and principles guided her through exceptionally challenging times to leave Britain measurably stronger and more stable. Her eventual downfall was tragic and seemed to be of superficial substance but nonetheless her legacy of strength of character was an aid in the end of Cold War era that increased the relevance of Britain on the global scale.
Leadership in Six Studies is an overview of great leaders from the perspective of Kissinger in the post WWII era. Obviously it is subjective and a function of the author's direct interaction with this cohort, which says just as much about the author himself. But nonetheless the character profiles are compelling in their description of what it took to be a great leader and why the characters chosen were great. They each faced unique challenges and had unique personalities but despite the difference in circumstances and character all helped their people achieve better outcomes and left the world a better place than they encountered it. Definitely an enjoyable and informative read.
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A continuación pretendo dar las argumentaciones en las que me me basado para emitir tal opinión si bien antes creo conveniente hacer algunas reflexiones que faciliten entender mi postura y el porque de mis conclusiones.
Heinz Alfred, en primer lugar, es restrictivo y excluyente en lo que deberíamos entender por " líder político" , ya que se cierne solo a personas que han dirigido gobiernos, y mi primera reflexión es esa duda.
Que es un líder político ? Alguien producto de las urnas o de las maniobras para ocupar Gobiernos.
Yo creo que NO, que un líder político es aquel que simplemente ha hecho progresar a la Sociedad.
Baste un ejemplo y no voy de pelota, Amazon , omito nombre y apellidos , es por ejemplo un líder político por qué ha permitido a sus ciudadanos, que no súbditos, publicar libremente nuestras opiniones, y en todo el Mundo.
Que expresión más sublime de la libertad democrática de expresión.
Pero volvamos al libro, crítico su introducción genérica, con múltiples citas, como las tesis doctorales que no aportan nada, y nada, que hay de valor añadido en lo expresado.
Conocí a las teorías de Kissinger cuando era estudiante de Ingeniería y sus famosos postulados sobre las negociaciones.
Todo humo, un super extraordinario vendedor de crecepelos, pero aportar conocimiento para distinguir líderes de los que no lo son o enseñanzas de aquellos que lo son o lo han sido para otros que los quieran ser , Nada , nada de Nada.
Bueno y en los incluidos meter a Richard Nisson, el que le pagó el sueldo y todos sus libertinajes, el que se cargó el patrón Oro, y que a su lado " Al" era un chico del Colmado, vamos hay que tener cara.
Este es mi resumen del libro : no aporta conocimiento, no elige auténticos líderes, obviar a Reagon o Mao , como ejemplo negativo, es hacer un brindis al Sol e ignorar la Realidad Histórica. Y para colmo el ejemplo de Egipto , las herencias de otro de sus líderes políticos.
No merece la pena perder el tiempo leyendo este libro y eso que me lo ha recomendado alguien al que sigo siempre Don E. N de L.D
Por último para completar el análisis destacar que el texto en inglés está demasiado latinizado, lo cual interpretó como un deseo de aparentar expresión de cultura, cultura que no he encontrado en el libro.
Lo dicho, no merece la pena, no enseña nada, muchos latinazos para aparentar altura pero a la postre un " crecepelos "
Lo siento de verdad.

Also, this book is a primer to reading other more complex books on diplomacy by Kissinger himself and also educates you in the first steps of reading about diplomacy to appreciate other books by other diplomats of the USA.